English

Statement of concerned Canadian scholars on Russia’s invasion of Ukraine

20 March 2022

Click here for our cover letter to The Honourable Mélanie Joly, MP

We are Canadian scholars, in the humanities and social sciences, who have devoted our professional lives to the study of Central and Eastern Europe and Eurasia. In this letter, we share with Canadian policymakers and citizens our understanding of the causes, consequences, and stakes for Canada of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

1. Culpability for the invasion of Ukraine, a sovereign state with internationally recognized borders, rests exclusively with the Russian Federation, led by President Vladimir Putin. We are aware that some scholars of international relations claim that the ultimate cause of the conflict is NATO’s admission of new members in Eastern Europe since the end of the Cold War, and the corollary that war could have been avoided had Ukraine and NATO agreed that Ukraine would remain permanently neutral. However, this argument is not consistent with available evidence, which indicates that Russia seeks to transform Ukraine into a satellite regime in which Russia would hold ultimate power over both domestic and foreign policy. In particular, the current Russian-Ukrainian conflict began in 2014, following mass protests in Ukraine that were triggered by the decision of then-President Viktor Yanukovych, under Russian pressure, to withdraw from negotiations for the European Union–Ukraine Association Agreement. Indeed, Russia seeks to compel all post-Soviet states, including Ukraine, to enter regional security and economic cooperation organizations led by Russia, as well as to prevent them from associating with countries and associations other than Russia. We further note that public opinion in Ukraine overwhelmingly opposed NATO membership until Russia’s 2014 invasion and annexation of Crimea and its proxy forces’ occupation of portions of the Donbas region: thus, Ukrainians’ current support for NATO membership is the consequence, not cause, of Russian aggression. And finally, we note that Ukraine’s membership application to NATO has made no progress since the 2008 NATO Bucharest Summit at which NATO declined to offer Ukraine a Membership Action Plan. Therefore, the remote contingency that Ukraine might join NATO cannot be the cause of the massive onslaught against Ukraine that Russia has launched in recent weeks. Rather, the cause is the Russian government’s determination to subjugate Ukraine fully.

2. Contrary to the statements of President Putin, the people of Ukraine owe nothing to Russia for their existence as a state or for any portion of their territory. While Ukraine and Russia share the Orthodox Christian and Slavic linguistic heritage of the medieval region known as Kyivan Rus’, they have evolved over centuries into distinct societies. Contemporary Ukraine traces its statehood in part to political formations outside the Russian Empire, notably the Cossack Hetmanate, Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and Habsburg and Ottoman Empires. Ukraine’s status as a separate Soviet republic within the USSR, alongside the Russian republic and other republics, recognized its distinct history. In addition, the people of Ukraine voted overwhelmingly for independence from the USSR in 1991, and their decision was subsequently recognized by agreements with Russia and other Soviet republics that resulted in the dissolution of the USSR, with Ukraine in its current borders, including Crimea and the Donbas region. Thus, Ukraine was never “part of” contemporary Russia; rather, both have at different times formed part of larger political entities that no longer exist. Ukraine today is a sovereign state, whose people overwhelmingly wish to remain truly independent and reject Russia’s claims to an oversight role in their society. Furthermore, while Ukraine faces challenges of governance and economic development, it is nonetheless a vibrant electoral democracy in which citizens have repeatedly removed the incumbent president and changed control of parliament through elections. It hosts a robust civil society and press that actively debate public policies. In short, there is nothing wrong with Ukraine as a state and, absent Russian aggression, it is well positioned to progress further as a free and open society.

3. Russia’s victory in the current invasion would be a disaster for Ukraine, NATO, and Canada. We believe the Russian government intends to overthrow the democratically elected government of Ukraine and replace it with a collaborationist regime backed by Russian military forces. If it wins this war, Russia may also annex further portions of Ukraine or set them up as nominally independent statelets, as it has already done in Donetsk and Luhansk regions. A Russian victory would thus result in the end of democratic self-government in Ukraine as well as severe human rights abuses, such as already occur in Russia itself and the regions it now occupies in Ukraine. Such a victory would also establish Russia as the leading power in Eastern Europe, with which other European states would be forced to come to terms. It would weaken NATO and suggest that the organization is not capable of guaranteeing the security of its European members, several of whom border Ukraine. Moreover, a Russian victory over Ukraine would also hold severe danger for Canada. It would constitute a major defeat for democracy around the world and for the liberal international order for which Canada has strived since World War II. It would signal to all states in the world system that only great powers such as Russia, the United States, and China are fully sovereign, whereas other states are not fully sovereign and are subject to unbridled aggression. We also note that in 1994 Ukraine surrendered its nuclear weapons to Russia in exchange for guarantees of its sovereignty and territorial integrity contained in the so-called Budapest Memorandum. Russia’s current aggression blatantly violates these guarantees and may motivate other states to acquire or refuse to give up nuclear weapons, adding to the risks of nuclear conflict. In short, a Russian victory in this war would be a catastrophe not only for Ukraine, but also for the rest of the world, including Canada.

4. We call on Canada to take all steps requested by the government of Ukraine short of direct military involvement to defend Ukraine’s sovereignty and protect its people against Russia’s war of aggression and the savage war crimes that have accompanied it. Mindful of the risks of military escalation in the Russia-Ukraine conflict, as well as of the need to prepare for decisive action in a humanitarian or other emergency, we take no position on proposals to deploy Canadian or NATO troops to Ukraine or to establish a no-flight zone in Ukraine enforced by NATO. Nonetheless, Canada and its NATO allies cannot stand by as Russia destroys Ukrainian statehood. They should provide Ukraine with all weapons needed to prosecute the war against Russia, including airplanes, drones, and missile-defence systems. The government of Canada should use all available legal means to exclude from this country any person closely associated with the government of Russia, including not only senior executive-branch officials and their family members, but also members of parliament, as well as major business owners linked to the Putin regime, together with their families. We call on Canada to support the most stringent financial and economic sanctions against Russia and the exclusion of Russia from international forums and organizations where it can use its membership rights to support its war on Ukraine and its other malign activities against Canada and its allies. Finally, we affirm that decisions on Ukraine’s conduct of the war as well as negotiations to end it are the sovereign right of the people of Ukraine and their democratically elected government. While Ukraine has the right to enter negotiations with Russia and agree to whatever terms it wishes, including whatever concessions it deems necessary to end the conflict, neither Canada nor any other country should pressure the government of Ukraine to enter such negotiations or make such concessions. Canadian and NATO support for the Ukrainian war effort should be unconditional so long as the people of Ukraine continue prosecuting their defensive war against the Russian armed forces and seek to end Russia’s occupation of Ukraine’s territory.

In closing, the heroism and unity shown by the Ukrainian people in defending their free and independent country have rightly impressed Canadians and those all over the world who value democracy and international law, just as the devastation and misery produced by Russia’s aggression inspire only horror and outrage in any person of conscience. We call on the government of Canada and our fellow citizens to do all in their power to support the people of Ukraine in their hour of need.

Authors

Aurel Braun, Political Science and Munk School of Global Affairs and Public Policy, University of Toronto Mississauga

Aaron Erlich, Department of Political Science, McGill University

Juliet Johnson, Department of Political Science, McGill University

Andres Kasekamp, Department of History and Munk School of Global Affairs and Public Policy, University of Toronto

Ksenya Kiebuzinski, Petro Jacyk Central and East European Resource Centre, University of Toronto

Matthew Light, Centre of Criminology and Sociolegal Studies and Centre for European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies, University of Toronto

Victor Ostapchuk, Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations, University of Toronto

Maria Popova, Department of Political Science, McGill University

Peter Solomon, Department of Political Science and Munk School of Global Affairs and Public Policy, University of Toronto

Frank Sysyn, Director, Peter Jacyk Centre for Ukrainian Historical Research, Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta

Signatories

Evren Altinkas, Department of History, University of Guelph

Veronika Ambros, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures and Centre for Comparative Literature, University of Toronto

Olga Andriewsky, Department of History, Trent University

Dominique Arel, School of Political Studies, University of Ottawa

Filiz Tutku Aydın, Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Social Sciences University of Ankara

Romana M. Bahry, York University

Eduard Baidaus, Holodomor Research and Education Consortium, Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta

Jennifer Baker, Department of English, University of Ottawa

Jaroslaw Balan, Director, Kule Ukrainian Canadian Studies Centre, Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta

Edana Beauvais, Department of Political Science, Simon Fraser University

Doris L. Bergen, Department of History, University of Toronto

Serhiy Bilenky, Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta

Jonathan Bordo, Department of Cultural Studies, Trent University

Katherine Bowers, Department of Central, Eastern, and Northern European Studies, University of British Columbia

Ruth Bradley-St-Cyr, Department of English, University of Ottawa

Amila Buturovic, Department of Humanities and Program in Religious Studies, York University

Alina Bykova, History Department, Stanford University

Joan DeBardeleben, Institute of European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies, Carleton University

Andrea Chandler, Department of Political Science, Carleton University

Zahar Davydov, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Toronto

Oleksa Drachewych, Department of History, Western University

Marta Dyczok, Department of History and Political Science, Western University

Rick Fawn, School of International Relations, University of St Andrews

Erica L. Fraser, Department of History, Carleton University

Anne Godlewska, Department of Geography and Planning, Queen’s University

Paul Goode, Institute of European, Russian and Eurasian Studies, Carleton University

Andrey V. Gornostaev, Department of History, University of Toronto

Suzanne Harris-Brandts, School of Architecture and Urbanism and Institute of European, Russian and Eurasian Studies, Carleton University

Lonny Harrison, Department of Modern Languages, The University of Texas at Arlington

Edwin W. Holland, Departments of Anthropology and Social Research Methods, John Abbott College

Kate Holland, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Toronto

Oleh S. Ilnytzkyj, Department of Modern Languages and Cultural Studies, University of Alberta

Kristy Ironside, Department of History and Classical Studies, McGill University

Ivan (John) Jaworsky, Department of Political Science, University of Waterloo

Steven Jobbitt, Department of History, Lakehead University

Olga Kesarchuk, Petro Jacyk Program for the Study of Ukraine, Centre for European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies, University of Toronto

Natalia Khanenko-Friesen, Director, Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies and Department of Modern Languages and Cultural Studies, University of Alberta

Bohdan Klid, Holodomor Research and Education Consortium, Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta

Ann Komaromi, Centre for Comparative Literature and Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Toronto

Bohdan Kordan, Department of Political Studies, University of Saskatchewan

Leon Kosals, Centre for Criminology and Sociolegal Studies, University of Toronto

Matthew Kott, Institute for Russian and Eurasian Studies, Uppsala University

Taras Koznarsky, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Toronto

Christina E. Kramer, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Toronto

Svitlana (Lana) Krys, Department of English, MacEwan University

Alexander Lanoszka, Department of Political Science, University of Waterloo

Joo-Yup Lee, Independent scholar, Eurasian history

Leonid Livak, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures and Centre for Jewish Studies, University of Toronto

Jeff Love, Department of Languages, Clemson University

Kassandra Luciuk, Department of History, Dalhousie University

Lubomyr Luciuk, Department of Political Science and Economics, Royal Military College of Canada

Clare McGovern, Department of Political Science, Simon Fraser University

Irena R Makaryk, Department of English, University of Ottawa

David R. Marples, Department of History, Classics and Religion and Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta

Gozde Mercan, Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations, University of Toronto

Milena Methodieva, Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations, University of Toronto

Toivo Miljan, Department of Political Science, Wilfrid Laurier University

Rebecca Mitchell, Department of History, Middlebury College

Milana Nikolko, Institute of European, Russian and Eurasian Studies, Carleton University

Lyudmila Parts, Department of Languages, Literatures, and Cultures, McGill University

Natalka Patsiurko, Independent scholar, Sociology

Nina Paulovicova, Center for Humanities, Athabasca University

Kaarel Piirimäe, Institute of History and Archaeology and Department of Political History, University of Tartu and University of Helsinki

Natalia Pylypiuk, Department of Modern Languages and Cultural Studies, University of Alberta

Anne Raine, Department of English, University of Ottawa

Johannes Remy, Department of History, Wilfrid Laurier University

Tanya Richardson, Anthropology Program and Department of Global Studies, Wilfrid Laurier University

Maris Rowe-McCulloch, Department of History, University of Regina

Joseph Schallert, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Toronto

Roman Senkus, Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta

Ivan Simic, Charles University, Prague

Myroslav Shkandrij, Department of German and Slavic Studies, University of Manitoba

Ivan Shmatko, Department of Sociology, University of Alberta

Anna Shternshis, Department of Germanic Languages and Literatures and Centre for Jewish Studies, University of Toronto

Alison K. Smith, Department of History, University of Toronto

Robert Stacey, Department of English, University of Ottawa

Marko R. Stech, Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta

Jeff Stepnisky, Department of Sociology, MacEwan University

Maria Subtelny, Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations, University of Toronto

Maxim Tarnawsky, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Toronto

Tamara Trojanowska, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Toronto

Donna Tussing Orwin, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Toronto

Piotr J Wróbel, Department of History, University of Toronto

Crina Viju-Miljusevic, Institute of European, Russian and Eurasian Studies, Carleton University

Lynne Viola, Department of History, University of Toronto

Alex Vukovich, Department of History, King’s College London

Lucan Way, Department of Political Science, University of Toronto

Lukasz Wodzynski, Department of German, Nordic, and Slavic, University of Wisconsin-Madison

Renee Worringer, Department of History, University of Guelph

Murat Yaşar, Department of History, State University of New York at Oswego

Serhy Yekelchyk, Departments of History and of Germanic and Slavic Studies, University of Victoria

Natalia Zajac, John Rylands Research Institute and Library, University of Manchester

Andriy Zayarnyuk, Department of History, University of Winnipeg

Français

Déclaration d’universitaires canadiennes et canadiens préoccupés par l’invasion de l’Ukraine par la Russie

le 20 mars 2022

Cliquez ici pour notre lettre à l’Honorable Mélanie Joly, députée

Nous sommes des universitaires canadiennes et canadiens, œuvrant dans les sciences humaines et sociales, qui avons consacré nos vies professionnelles à l’étude de l’Europe centrale et de l’Est, et de l’Eurasie. Dans cette lettre, nous partageons avec les législatrices et législateurs, et les citoyennes et citoyens canadiennes et canadiens notre compréhension des causes et conséquences de l’invasion de l’Ukraine par la Russie, ainsi que les enjeux pour le Canada.

1. La responsabilité de l’invasion de l’Ukraine, un État souverain aux frontières internationalement reconnues, incombe exclusivement à la Fédération de Russie, dirigée par le président Vladimir Poutine. Nous sommes conscientes et conscients que certains spécialistes des relations internationales affirment que la cause principale du conflit est liée à la décision de l’OTAN d’admettre de nouveaux membres de l’Europe de l’Est depuis la fin de la Guerre froide, le corollaire étant que la guerre aurait pu être évitée si l’Ukraine et l’OTAN avaient convenu la neutralité permanente de l’Ukraine. Cependant, cet argument ne cadre pas avec les preuves offertes, qui indiquent que la Russie cherche à transformer l’Ukraine en régime satellite dans lequel la Russie détiendrait le pouvoir ultime sur la politique intérieure et étrangère. Notamment, l’actuel conflit russo-ukrainien s’est déclenché en 2014, à la suite de manifestations massives en Ukraine provoquées par la décision du président de l’époque, Viktor Ianoukovytch, sous pression de la part de la Russie, de se retirer des négociations de l’Accord d’association entre l’Ukraine et l’Union européenne. En effet, la Russie cherche à obliger tous les États postsoviétiques, y compris l’Ukraine, à adhérer à des organisations régionales de coopération en matière de sécurité et d’économie dirigées par la Russie, tout en les empêchant de s’associer à des pays et associations autres que la Russie. Nous notons également que l’opinion publique en Ukraine était majoritairement opposée à l’adhésion à l’OTAN jusqu’à l’invasion et l’annexion de la Crimée par la Russie et l’occupation de la région du Donbass par ses forces interposées en 2014. Ainsi, le soutien actuel des Ukrainiens pour l’adhésion à l’OTAN est la conséquence et non la cause de l’agression russe. Enfin, nous constatons que la demande d’adhésion de l’Ukraine à l’OTAN n’a pas progressé depuis le sommet de l’OTAN Bucarest 2008, lors duquel l’OTAN a refusé de proposer à l’Ukraine un plan d’action pour l’adhésion. Par conséquent, l’éventualité lointaine d’une adhésion de l’Ukraine à l’OTAN ne peut être la cause de l’attaque massive contre l’Ukraine déclenchée par la Russie ces dernières semaines. La cause est plutôt la détermination du gouvernement russe à soumettre entièrement l’Ukraine.

2. Contrairement aux déclarations du président Poutine, le peuple ukrainien ne doit en rien son existence en tant qu’État ou quelconque portion de son territoire à la Russie. Bien que l’Ukraine et la Russie partagent un héritage chrétien orthodoxe ainsi qu’un héritage linguistique slave de la région médiévale connue sous le nom Rus’ de Kiev, au fil des siècles elles ont évolué en sociétés distinctes. L’État qu’est l’Ukraine contemporaine est issu en partie de formations politiques au-delà de l’Empire russe, notamment l’Hetmanat cosaque, la république des Deux Nations (Pologne-Lituanie) et les empires des Habsbourg et des Ottomans. L’histoire distincte de l’Ukraine était reconnue par le statut de l’Ukraine comme république soviétique distincte au sein de l’URSS, au même titre que la république russe et des autres républiques. De plus, une majorité importante du peuple ukrainien a voté pour l’indépendance de l’URSS en 1991, décision qui a ensuite été reconnue par des accords avec la Russie et d’autres républiques soviétiques résultant de la dissolution de l’URSS. L’Ukraine avait alors déjà ses frontières actuelles, comprenant la Crimée et le Donbass. Ainsi, l’Ukraine n’a jamais «fait partie» de la Russie contemporaine; plutôt, elles ont toutes les deux étés des composantes d’entités politiques plus vastes qui n’existent plus. L’Ukraine est aujourd’hui un État souverain, dont la vaste majorité de la population souhaite demeurer véritablement indépendante et rejette les revendications de la Russie de jouer un rôle de supervision dans sa société. En outre, malgré des défis en matière de gouvernance et de développement économique, l’Ukraine reste néanmoins une démocratie électorale dynamique dans laquelle ses citoyens ont à maintes reprises destitué le président siégeant et exercé un changement au parlement par le biais d’élections. L’Ukraine possède une société civile et une presse robustes qui débattent activement des politiques publiques. En bref, l’Ukraine n’a rien à se reprocher en tant qu’État et, en l’absence d’agression russe, est bien placée pour poursuivre sa progression en tant que société libre et ouverte.

3. Une victoire de la Russie dans l’invasion actuelle serait un désastre pour l’Ukraine, pour l’OTAN et pour le Canada. Nous croyons que le gouvernement russe a l’intention de renverser le gouvernement démocratiquement élu de l’Ukraine et de le remplacer par un régime collaborationniste appuyé par les forces militaires russes. Si elle gagne cette guerre, d’autres régions de l’Ukraine risquent également de se voir annexées ou constituées en petits États nominalement indépendants par la Russie, qui a déjà fait de même dans les régions de Donetsk et de Louhansk. Une victoire russe entraînerait donc la fin de l’indépendance gouvernementale démocratique en Ukraine, ainsi que de graves contraventions des droits de l’homme, comme c’est déjà le cas en Russie et dans les régions ukrainiennes qu’elle occupe actuellement. Une telle victoire ferait également de la Russie la principale puissance de l’Europe de l’Est et les autres États européens seraient contraints de tolérer cette situation, qui affaiblirait l’OTAN et laisserait entendre que l’organisation est incapable de garantir la sécurité de ses membres européens, dont plusieurs partagent une frontière avec l’Ukraine. En outre, une victoire de la Russie sur l’Ukraine représenterait également un grave danger pour le Canada. Cela représenterait une défaite importante de la démocratie mondiale et pour l’ordre international libéral auquel prétend le Canada depuis la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, signalant à tous les États du système mondial que seules les grandes puissances comme la Russie, les États-Unis et la Chine sont pleinement souveraines, tandis que les autres États ne le sont pas et sont donc sujets à une agression sans bornes. Nous notons également qu’en 1994, l’Ukraine a rendu ses armes nucléaires à la Russie en échange d’une garantie de sa souveraineté et de son intégrité territoriale énoncée dans le mémorandum de Budapest. L’agression actuelle de la Russie constitue une violation flagrante de ces garanties et risque d’inciter d’autres États à acquérir ou à refuser de renoncer à des armes nucléaires, augmentant le risque de conflit nucléaire. En bref, une victoire russe dans cette guerre serait une catastrophe non seulement pour l’Ukraine, mais aussi pour le reste du monde, y compris le Canada.

4. Nous demandons au Canada de prendre toutes les mesures demandées par le gouvernement de l’Ukraine, à l’exclusion d’une implication militaire directe, pour défendre la souveraineté de l’Ukraine et protéger son peuple contre la guerre d’agression de la Russie et les crimes de guerre sauvages qui l’accompagnent. Conscientes et conscients des risques de l’intensification militaire du conflit entre la Russie et l’Ukraine, ainsi que de la nécessité de se préparer à une action décisive dans le cas d’une urgence humanitaire ou autre, nous ne prenons pas position sur les propositions concernant le déploiement de troupes canadiennes ou de l’OTAN en Ukraine ou encore l’établissement d’une zone d’exclusion aérienne en Ukraine gérée par l’OTAN. Néanmoins, le Canada et ses alliés de l’OTAN ne peuvent s’abstenir d’intervenir alors que la Russie détruit l’État ukrainien. Ils devraient fournir à l’Ukraine toutes les armes nécessaires pour mener la guerre contre la Russie, y compris des avions, des drones et des systèmes de défense antimissile. Le gouvernement du Canada devrait employer tous les moyens légaux disponibles pour exclure de ce pays toute personne étroitement liée au gouvernement de la Russie, y compris non seulement les hauts fonctionnaires de la branche exécutive et les membres de leur famille, mais aussi les membres du parlement, ainsi que les grands propriétaires d’entreprises liés au régime de Poutine et leur famille. Nous demandons au Canada de soutenir les sanctions financières et économiques les plus strictes contre la Russie et l’exclusion de la Russie des forums et organisations internationaux dans lesquels elle peut user de ses droits de membre pour soutenir sa guerre contre l’Ukraine et ses autres activités malignes contre le Canada et ses alliés. Enfin, nous affirmons que les décisions quant à la manière dont l’Ukraine mène la guerre ainsi que les négociations pour y mettre fin relèvent du droit souverain du peuple ukrainien et de son gouvernement démocratiquement élu. Bien que l’Ukraine ait le droit d’entreprendre des négociations avec la Russie et d’accepter quelconques termes qu’elle le souhaite, y compris toute concession qu’elle juge nécessaire pour mettre un terme au conflit, ni le Canada ni aucun autre pays ne devrait pousser le gouvernement de l’Ukraine à entamer de telles négociations ou à faire de telles concessions. Le soutien offert à l’effort de guerre ukrainien par le Canada et l’OTAN devrait être inconditionnel tant que le peuple ukrainien poursuit sa guerre défensive contre les forces armées russes et cherche à mettre un terme à l’occupation du territoire de l’Ukraine par la Russie.

En conclusion, l’héroïsme et l’unité démontrés par le peuple ukrainien dans la défense de son pays libre et indépendant ont impressionné avec raison les Canadiens et les citoyens du monde entier qui tiennent à cœur la démocratie et le droit international, tout comme la dévastation et la misère produites par l’agression russe n’inspirent qu’horreur et outrage chez toute personne de conscience. Nous demandons au gouvernement du Canada et à nos concitoyens de tout faire de leur possible pour soutenir le peuple ukrainien en ce moment difficile.

Cette déclaration a été préparée par le comité organisateur

Aurel Braun, Political Science and Munk School of Global Affairs and Public Policy, University of Toronto Mississauga

Aaron Erlich, Department of Political Science, McGill University

Juliet Johnson, Department of Political Science, McGill University

Andres Kasekamp, Department of History and Munk School of Global Affairs and Public Policy, University of Toronto

Ksenya Kiebuzinski, Petro Jacyk Central and East European Resource Centre, University of Toronto

Matthew Light, Centre of Criminology and Sociolegal Studies and Centre for European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies, University of Toronto

Victor Ostapchuk, Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations, University of Toronto

Maria Popova, Department of Political Science, McGill University

Peter Solomon, Department of Political Science and Munk School of Global Affairs and Public Policy, University of Toronto

Frank Sysyn, Director, Peter Jacyk Centre for Ukrainian Historical Research, Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta

Signataires

Evren Altinkas, Department of History, University of Guelph

Veronika Ambros, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures and Centre for Comparative Literature, University of Toronto

Olga Andriewsky, Department of History, Trent University

Dominique Arel, School of Political Studies, University of Ottawa

Filiz Tutku Aydın, Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Social Sciences University of Ankara

Romana M. Bahry, York University

Eduard Baidaus, Holodomor Research and Education Consortium, Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta

Jennifer Baker, Department of English, University of Ottawa

Jaroslaw Balan, Director, Kule Ukrainian Canadian Studies Centre, Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta

Edana Beauvais, Department of Political Science, Simon Fraser University

Doris L. Bergen, Department of History, University of Toronto

Serhiy Bilenky, Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta

Jonathan Bordo, Department of Cultural Studies, Trent University

Katherine Bowers, Department of Central, Eastern, and Northern European Studies, University of British Columbia

Ruth Bradley-St-Cyr, Department of English, University of Ottawa

Amila Buturovic, Department of Humanities and Program in Religious Studies, York University

Alina Bykova, History Department, Stanford University

Joan DeBardeleben, Institute of European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies, Carleton University

Andrea Chandler, Department of Political Science, Carleton University

Zahar Davydov, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Toronto

Oleksa Drachewych, Department of History, Western University

Marta Dyczok, Department of History and Political Science, Western University

Rick Fawn, School of International Relations, University of St Andrews

Erica L. Fraser, Department of History, Carleton University

Anne Godlewska, Department of Geography and Planning, Queen’s University

Paul Goode, Institute of European, Russian and Eurasian Studies, Carleton University

Andrey V. Gornostaev, Department of History, University of Toronto

Suzanne Harris-Brandts, School of Architecture and Urbanism and Institute of European, Russian and Eurasian Studies, Carleton University

Lonny Harrison, Department of Modern Languages, The University of Texas at Arlington

Edwin W. Holland, Departments of Anthropology and Social Research Methods, John Abbott College

Kate Holland, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Toronto

Oleh S. Ilnytzkyj, Department of Modern Languages and Cultural Studies, University of Alberta

Kristy Ironside, Department of History and Classical Studies, McGill University

Ivan (John) Jaworsky, Department of Political Science, University of Waterloo

Steven Jobbitt, Department of History, Lakehead University

Olga Kesarchuk, Petro Jacyk Program for the Study of Ukraine, Centre for European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies, University of Toronto

Natalia Khanenko-Friesen, Director, Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies and Department of Modern Languages and Cultural Studies, University of Alberta

Bohdan Klid, Holodomor Research and Education Consortium, Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta

Ann Komaromi, Centre for Comparative Literature and Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Toronto

Bohdan Kordan, Department of Political Studies, University of Saskatchewan

Leon Kosals, Centre for Criminology and Sociolegal Studies, University of Toronto

Matthew Kott, Institute for Russian and Eurasian Studies, Uppsala University

Taras Koznarsky, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Toronto

Christina E. Kramer, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Toronto

Svitlana (Lana) Krys, Department of English, MacEwan University

Alexander Lanoszka, Department of Political Science, University of Waterloo

Joo-Yup Lee, Independent scholar, Eurasian history

Leonid Livak, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures and Centre for Jewish Studies, University of Toronto

Jeff Love, Department of Languages, Clemson University

Kassandra Luciuk, Department of History, Dalhousie University

Lubomyr Luciuk, Department of Political Science and Economics, Royal Military College of Canada

Clare McGovern, Department of Political Science, Simon Fraser University

Irena R Makaryk, Department of English, University of Ottawa

David R. Marples, Department of History, Classics and Religion and Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta

Gozde Mercan, Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations, University of Toronto

Milena Methodieva, Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations, University of Toronto

Toivo Miljan, Department of Political Science, Wilfrid Laurier University

Rebecca Mitchell, Department of History, Middlebury College

Milana Nikolko, Institute of European, Russian and Eurasian Studies, Carleton University

Lyudmila Parts, Department of Languages, Literatures, and Cultures, McGill University

Natalka Patsiurko, Independent scholar, Sociology

Nina Paulovicova, Center for Humanities, Athabasca University

Kaarel Piirimäe, Institute of History and Archaeology and Department of Political History, University of Tartu and University of Helsinki

Natalia Pylypiuk, Department of Modern Languages and Cultural Studies, University of Alberta

Anne Raine, Department of English, University of Ottawa

Johannes Remy, Department of History, Wilfrid Laurier University

Tanya Richardson, Anthropology Program and Department of Global Studies, Wilfrid Laurier University

Maris Rowe-McCulloch, Department of History, University of Regina

Joseph Schallert, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Toronto

Roman Senkus, Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta

Ivan Simic, Charles University, Prague

Myroslav Shkandrij, Department of German and Slavic Studies, University of Manitoba

Ivan Shmatko, Department of Sociology, University of Alberta

Anna Shternshis, Department of Germanic Languages and Literatures and Centre for Jewish Studies, University of Toronto

Alison K. Smith, Department of History, University of Toronto

Robert Stacey, Department of English, University of Ottawa

Marko R. Stech, Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta

Jeff Stepnisky, Department of Sociology, MacEwan University

Maria Subtelny, Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations, University of Toronto

Maxim Tarnawsky, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Toronto

Tamara Trojanowska, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Toronto

Donna Tussing Orwin, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Toronto

Piotr J Wróbel, Department of History, University of Toronto

Crina Viju-Miljusevic, Institute of European, Russian and Eurasian Studies, Carleton University

Lynne Viola, Department of History, University of Toronto

Alex Vukovich, Department of History, King’s College London

Lucan Way, Department of Political Science, University of Toronto

Lukasz Wodzynski, Department of German, Nordic, and Slavic, University of Wisconsin-Madison

Renee Worringer, Department of History, University of Guelph

Murat Yaşar, Department of History, State University of New York at Oswego

Serhy Yekelchyk, Departments of History and of Germanic and Slavic Studies, University of Victoria

Natalia Zajac, John Rylands Research Institute and Library, University of Manchester

Andriy Zayarnyuk, Department of History, University of Winnipeg